Institute of Sociological, Political and Juridical Research

Permanent URI for this communityhttps://repository.ukim.mk/handle/20.500.12188/28

The Institute for Sociological, Political and Juridical Research was founded in 1965 with the decision of the Council of the University “St. Cyril and Methodius". Since then, the ISPJR is devoted to scientifically examine the sociological, political and legal phenomena in the country, to encourage and to organize appropriate researches for social development, to educate young scientist and to develop scientific staff. Институтот за социолошки и политичко-правни истражувања е основан во 1965 година со одлука на Советот на Универзитетот "Св.Кирил и Методиј" во Скопје. Од тогаш, ИСППИ е посветен на научното истражување на социолошките, политиколошките и правните појави во земата, на поттикнување и организирање соодветни истражувања за развој на општеството, на подготвување на научен подмладок и усовршување на научен кадар.

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2021 Local Elections in North Macedonia: A Prelude to Alternation of Power?
(University of Graz, 2022)
Prior to the 2021 elections, North Macedonia had an entrenched tradition of local-level voting for the central-level incumbent. The party leading the central government has always won most mayoral positions at the local elections since they were first held in 1996, making the lower-level contest a simple showcase of the support for the ruling parties. The October 2021 elections were quite different: the opposition right-wing Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization – Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity (Vnatreshna makedonska revolucionerna organizacija – Demokratska partija za makedonsko nacionalno edinstvo, VMRO-DPMNE) claimed a dominant win, resulting in a resignation of the ruling center-left Social Democratic Union of Macedonia (Socijaldemokratski sojuz na Makedonija, SDSM) Prime Minister (PM) Zaev and the appointment of a new government with changed personnel from the side of SDSM. This outcome is due to the general public’s disappointment with the performance of the SDSM-led government, especially regarding persistent corruption, the inability to reinstate rule of law following the disclosed abuses from the Wiretapping Affair (2015), and the lack of further progress regarding EU-membership despite heavy national concessions such as the name change (2019). The election results can also be read as a symptom of the population’s major disillusionment with the prospect of opening EU accession negotiations soon. Following these developments, a change of power can be expected, with VMRO-DPMNE eyeing to reclaim the central government (after their 2017 exit) at the next parliamentary elections which could take place as late as 2024.
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Captured states and/or captured societies in the Western Balkans
(Informa UK Limited, 2023-02-06)
Cvetičanin, Predrag
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Bliznakovski, Jovan
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Krstić, Nemanja
This article proposes the new concept of societal capture for analysing informal practices implemented by political elites in Western Balkan societies. In contrast to the notion of state capture, which refers to a mechanism of exploitation of state and public resources by political and economic elites, the concept of societal capture denotes a mechanism of domination of political elites over civil society actors (citizens, trade unions, NGOs, religious institutions), and economic actors (private companies and private media), aiming to perpetuate their political rule. The article describes and illustrates three core mechanisms of societal capture and points out that notions of state capture and societal capture refer to different types of informal practices in terms of their aims, preconditions for functioning, mechanisms used, outcomes, levels of secrecy, and their social effects.
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MACEDONIAN ELECTION RULES: CITIZENS VIS-À-VIS POLITICAL PARTIES
(Journal of Liberty and International Affairs, Institute for Research and European Studies - Bitola, 2022-06-15)
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Dimitrovska, Milka
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"Macedonism" as Nationalism - Between the National Identity and Political Reality
(Institute for Sociological, Juridical and Juridical Research, University "Ss. Cyril and Methodius" - Skopje, 2020)
Petar Atanasov
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Bojana Naumovska
The subject of analyses of this paper are the attitudes, perceptions and the feelings of high educated young Macedonians regarding their Macedonian national identity. We will be presenting the answers of generation born in 1980s, in the Republic of Macedonia, young people with university degrees and higher, mostly well situated and having successful professional careers. The main subject of research are their perceptions and feelings regarding their Macedonian National Identity and their ethno-cultural belonging. The theme is recently redebated especially after the signing of the good neighborly relations agreement between Macedonia and Bulgaria and the ‘Prespa Agreement’ with Greece and the eventual attempts for ‘final resolution’ of the ‘Macedonian Question’. We will argue that the attitudes, perceptions and the feelings for their own national identity are filled with strong affections, that the Macedonian identity is equally powerful and active as the other Balkan national identities, that probably the ‘Makedonism’ as nationalism did not succeed to achieve more significant development prior the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries and that is why the Macedonian state project was late. The Macedonian national/state identity, even after 75 years of existence, is still in process of stabilization. In the analyses we use the data from the original research, which is conducted by qualitative approach, through organizing four focus groups in Skopje, with 28 participants.
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Interest groups’ access in new democracies: evidence from North Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia
(Springer Science and Business Media LLC, 2021-09-28)
This article examines the interactions of interest groups and political institutions in three post-communist countries, at present EU-acceding states. Based on representative surveys of interest groups, it shows that interactions of interest groups with political institutions are more frequent than usually assumed. Nevertheless, they significantly vary across political institutions and types of groups. The direction of lobbying is somewhat different than in established democracies because of the predominance of the executive and weak legislative institutions. Group type differences demonstrate strong business dominance which might be even greater than in established democracies. Ordinal regression analyses confirm these results. However, the findings suggest that provision of political and technical information also accounts for interest groups’ access, which sheds light on the important functions that these organizations perform even in unconsolidated democracies.
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Нормативна рамка за јазичните права на малцинствата во Македонија
(Конрад Аденауер Фондација во Република Македонија и Институт за демократија „Социетас Цивилис“, 2011)
Bliznakovski, Jovan
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Лингвистичката компетенција како фактор за граѓанско учество во Република Македонија - политики на локално ниво
(Конрад Аденауер Фондација во Република Македонија и Институт за демократија „Социетас Цивилис“, 2012)
Bliznakovski, Jovan
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Symbolic Aspects of Nation-Building: The Story of Three Versions of the Preamble of the Macedonian Constitution
(Конрад Аденауер Фондација во Република Македонија и Институт за демократија „Социетас Цивилис“, 2013)
Bliznakovski, Jovan
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After ethnic conflict: Policy-making in post-conflict Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia, written by Cvete Koneska
(Brill Deutschland GmbH, 2017-06-09)
Bliznakovski, Jovan
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Media Framing: How Can the Constitutional Name of One Country Be Changed?
(Polish Communication Association, 2020-07-21)
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<jats:p>The Macedonian-Greek agreement to change the name of the Republic of Macedonia resulted in a referendum. The columns of relevant opinion leaders published in electronic media during the official referendum campaign was the focus of interest and research presented in this article. The sample comprised 57 columns by 19 columnists. The discussion of the findings in this paper is based on framing theory with media content analyses; the template for media monitoring was used as an instrument based on human coding. The main research question addressed in this paper is: “How are opinion leaders setting frames?” The hypothesis is that opinion leaders use different themes and scripts to construct media framing due to narrow public opinion “for” or “against/boycott” the change of the constitutional name. Two negative, emotionally charged frames were identified: the frame “for” promoted positive messages reinforced with ideas about the EU and NATO membership; the frame “against/boycott” promoted messages that Macedonian identity will be lost.</jats:p>

Institute of Sociological, Political and Juridical Research

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