Institute of Sociological, Political and Juridical Research

Permanent URI for this communityhttps://repository.ukim.mk/handle/20.500.12188/28

The Institute for Sociological, Political and Juridical Research was founded in 1965 with the decision of the Council of the University “St. Cyril and Methodius". Since then, the ISPJR is devoted to scientifically examine the sociological, political and legal phenomena in the country, to encourage and to organize appropriate researches for social development, to educate young scientist and to develop scientific staff. Институтот за социолошки и политичко-правни истражувања е основан во 1965 година со одлука на Советот на Универзитетот "Св.Кирил и Методиј" во Скопје. Од тогаш, ИСППИ е посветен на научното истражување на социолошките, политиколошките и правните појави во земата, на поттикнување и организирање соодветни истражувања за развој на општеството, на подготвување на научен подмладок и усовршување на научен кадар.

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    Western Balkans: It’s Complicated An Inter-ethnic Communication Interdisciplinary Examination
    (International Collaboration for Research and Publications, 2024-03-01)
    Limani, Blerim
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    Majlichi, Driton
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    Aslan, Mehmet
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    Kikalishvili, Shalva
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    Brown, Daniel
    The western Balkans are persistently grappling with its unfavorable inter-ethnic reputation. Although political toleration has been consistently proposed as a solution for inter-ethnic tensions, this paper argues for the adoption of the Coordinated Management of Meaning (CMM) framework, offering a fresh perspective to an old problem. Rooted in the 'communication perspective', CMM provides a crucial platform for stakeholders to interact meaningfully. This study aims to present compelling reasons for embracing dialogical methods in interethnic disagreements. The CMM model focuses on empowering participants with knowledge to collectively shape their social realities. To illustrate, we introduce a visual communication model seamlessly integrating political toleration and CMM concepts. This model establishes a dialogical platform, ensuring equal participation from public and civil society stakeholders, and fostering a harmonious social world. In conclusion, CMM offers an alternative communication perspective crucial for those involved in interethnic dialogue. By adopting this approach, individuals and groups can overcome challenges, opening new avenues for understanding and collaboration in the pursuit of peaceful co-existence.</jats:p>
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    (Dis)trust in doctors and public and private healthcare institutions in the Western Balkans
    (Health Expectations, 2022-08)
    Maljichi, Driton
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    Limani, Blerim
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    Spier, Troy E
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    Angjelkoska, Violeta
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    Stojković Zlatanović, Sanja
    Considering the geopolitical changes in the six Western Balkan countries-Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia and Serbia-over the last three decades, particularly as it concerns the progress and changes in the healthcare systems, we argue that there is a need for a detailed analysis of people's trust in those healthcare systems and healthcare providers.
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    Multiculturalism as a value in healthcare services in the Western Balkans
    (University of South Bohemia in Ceske Budejovice, 2024-05-31)
    Maljichi, Driton
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    Limani, Blerim
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    Tahirbegolli, Bernard
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    Spier, Troy E.
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    Alloqi Tahirbegolli, Iliriana
    In this study, we aimed to examine the healthcare preferences and perspectives of citizens in the Western Balkans (namely Albania, North Macedonia, Kosovo, Montenegro, Serbia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina), as well as their trust toward medical professionals of various genders and ages. Almost 4,000 citizens (N = 3,789) of six countries in the Western Balkans (Albania, North Macedonia, Kosovo, Montenegro, Serbia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina) were surveyed using a self-reported questionnaire in this inter-country cross-sectional study. Most of the participants state that their ethnicity (86%) or religion (89%) has no effect on receiving services in healthcare institutions when the doctor is from a different ethnicity or religion (p < 0.05). One-third of the study’s participants stated that they don’t necessarily prefer to be treated by medical doctors who approach all patients of different nationalities equally. Finally, this article demonstrates that the majority of Balkan citizens had no disparities when receiving medical care from a medical doctor of a different ethnicity or religion. About one-third of the research participants nurture tolerance and diversity as a behavior culture and do not want to be treated by a doctor who discriminates against patients of different nationalities.
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    THE IMPACT OF SELECTED SOCIAL INDICATORS ON INDIVIDUAL HAPPINESS IN THE REPUBLIC OF NORTH MACEDONIA
    (Goce Delcev University Stip, North Macedonia, 2024-06-23)
    Driton Maljichi, Milka Dimitrovska, Kajdafe Ademi
    Happiness as a complex combination of individual, collective, affective, rational, and circumstantial constituents is either integrated or should be integrated in the policy-making of modern states and societies, in line with the global endeavor towards achieving sustainable development goals. Given the social relevance of happiness, the most broadly accepted relevant indicators for its attainment, and the great gap that exists due to insufficient empirical treatment of the matter in North Macedonia, this exploratory paper aims to determine the impact of age, gender, health, unemployment, religion, ethnicity (by spoken language), and language-based discrimination on individual happiness in the Republic of North Macedonia. The research was based on descriptive statistical operations and regression analysis of the ESS 10 data regarding the Republic of North Macedonia, obtained for the first time for this country; as well as on secondary analysis of studies considering wide-range surveys, statistical data and reports. Health, employment, ethnicity, and ethnic and linguistic discrimination represent strong determinants of happiness in this country. Indications are high that age and happiness are linearly correlated. The gender is less important in defining happiness in North Macedonia; however, women are slightly happier than men. The majority population, speaking the Macedonian language and practicing Orthodox Christianity, experience higher levels of happiness than the linguistic and religious native minorities in North Macedonia. Further in-depth research based on consistent and compatible data is needed, to the end of advancing researchbased policies in the social, economic and healthcare systems of this county.
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    Mental Health Resilience in the Journalism Curriculum
    (SAGE Publications, 2023-02-14)
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    <jats:p> Reporting on trauma is part of the journalists’ job, and it needs to be conducted with care for their mental health of the interviewees and audiences. Data from focus groups and online survey with journalism students in Macedonia identified that: reporting on traumatic events can affect mental health; education can be a factor for coping and building resilience; educators lack adequate training; there are no adequate teaching materials in journalism courses at faculties; and at the end, students are not equipped with strategies and skills for dealing with trauma when reporting on trauma. </jats:p>
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    2021 Local Elections in North Macedonia: A Prelude to Alternation of Power?
    (University of Graz, 2022)
    Prior to the 2021 elections, North Macedonia had an entrenched tradition of local-level voting for the central-level incumbent. The party leading the central government has always won most mayoral positions at the local elections since they were first held in 1996, making the lower-level contest a simple showcase of the support for the ruling parties. The October 2021 elections were quite different: the opposition right-wing Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization – Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity (Vnatreshna makedonska revolucionerna organizacija – Demokratska partija za makedonsko nacionalno edinstvo, VMRO-DPMNE) claimed a dominant win, resulting in a resignation of the ruling center-left Social Democratic Union of Macedonia (Socijaldemokratski sojuz na Makedonija, SDSM) Prime Minister (PM) Zaev and the appointment of a new government with changed personnel from the side of SDSM. This outcome is due to the general public’s disappointment with the performance of the SDSM-led government, especially regarding persistent corruption, the inability to reinstate rule of law following the disclosed abuses from the Wiretapping Affair (2015), and the lack of further progress regarding EU-membership despite heavy national concessions such as the name change (2019). The election results can also be read as a symptom of the population’s major disillusionment with the prospect of opening EU accession negotiations soon. Following these developments, a change of power can be expected, with VMRO-DPMNE eyeing to reclaim the central government (after their 2017 exit) at the next parliamentary elections which could take place as late as 2024.
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    Captured states and/or captured societies in the Western Balkans
    (Informa UK Limited, 2023-02-06)
    Cvetičanin, Predrag
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    Bliznakovski, Jovan
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    Krstić, Nemanja
    This article proposes the new concept of societal capture for analysing informal practices implemented by political elites in Western Balkan societies. In contrast to the notion of state capture, which refers to a mechanism of exploitation of state and public resources by political and economic elites, the concept of societal capture denotes a mechanism of domination of political elites over civil society actors (citizens, trade unions, NGOs, religious institutions), and economic actors (private companies and private media), aiming to perpetuate their political rule. The article describes and illustrates three core mechanisms of societal capture and points out that notions of state capture and societal capture refer to different types of informal practices in terms of their aims, preconditions for functioning, mechanisms used, outcomes, levels of secrecy, and their social effects.
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    External Political Efficacy and Populist Attitudes: Understanding the Demand for Populism in North Macedonia
    (Sociological Scientific Society of Serbia, 2023)
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    Popovikj, Misha
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    Recica, Vlora
    This paper focuses on the underlying factors driving the demand for populism in North Macedonia. It presents an argument on populist attitudes, illustrating empirically that within this specific context, they are primarily driven by heightened dissatisfaction with state institutions. This dissatisfaction is manifested as perceived lack of external political efficacy, with state mechanisms failing to foster citizen inclusion in political processes. Additionally, this paper demonstrates that populism in this country of South East Europe is also significantly influenced by adherence to traditional values and beliefs in conspiracy theories. These findings are discussed in relation to the dominant theories on populist demand found in current literature. The objectives of this paper are twofold. Firstly, it seeks to examine the applicability of current theories to the case of North Macedonia. Secondly, it proposes a perspective on the factors stimulating populism within this context. To assess the effects of different factors on populist demand, we employ OLS regression modeling using survey data collected in June 2021. This study contributes to the existing literature on the demand side of populism, presenting findings from a region not frequently examined in this regard-Southeast Europe, specifically North Macedonia.
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    THE GERMAN ELECTORAL MODEL IN RESPONSE TO THE MACEDONIAN POLITICAL CONTENT
    (Institute for Sociological, Political and Juridical Research, University "Ss. Cyril and Methodius" - Skopje, 2021)
    Having regard the role of the electoral model on the political behavior of the citizens in a country, as well as the impact it has on the party system, this paper aims to offer a new electoral model that is most appropriate for the Macedonian political context. Guided by the characteristics of the electoral systems, as well as their application in specific state systems, the research question of this paper will focus on determining the adequacy of the German electoral model in relation to the detected shortcomings of the existing Macedonian electoral model. In order to answer the main research question, this paper, in addition to presenting the German election model, through the presentation and analysis of primary and secondary data will try to connect the detected shortcomings of the existing Macedonian model with the basic characteristics of the offered most appropriate model.
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    Dilemmas Concerning the Macedonian Еlectoral Мodel: From Single Electoral Unit to Open Lists
    (Institute for Sociological, Juridical and Juridical Research, University "Ss. Cyril and Methodius" - Skopje, 2020)
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    The Republic of North Macedonia has ensured certain legal preconditions for real pluralism, but practice has shown that the current electoral rules significantly constrain these possibilities (especially when it comes to parliamentary representation of the smaller parties). Two substantial proposals for changes in the electoral system have gained traction in the past years: move towards a single (national) electoral constituency instead of the present six; and the move from closed-list proportional representation to preferential voting via open lists. These proposals are backed by the idea that the current electoral system is characterized by a certain deficiency regarding realistic transposing of citizens’ votes in representative mandates, as well as by the fact that smaller political parties rarely achieve parliamentary representation through the present electoral rules. By imploring content analysis of both theoretical and empirical literature, using the primary data of interviews conducted with a small number of small parties’ leaders as well as by using the comparative method, the authors present relevant argumentation for each of the aforementioned proposals and ultimately provide respective solutions that should be further researched and could provide basis for legislative interventions in the Electoral code of the Republic of North Macedonia.