Vankovska, Biljana
Preferred name
Vankovska, Biljana
Official Name
Vankovska, Biljana
Translated Name
Билјана Ванковска
Alternative Name
Ванковска, Билјана
Vankovska, B.
Ванковска, Б.
Main Affiliation
Email
biljanav@fzf.ukim.edu.mk
bvankovska@gmail.com
ORCID
Researcher ID
V-7193-2018
88 results
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Item type:Publication, Constitutions Octroyées And International State-Building: The Macedonian Case in Focus(Informa UK Limited, 2023-01)This article critically examines international state-building efforts through (imposed constitutions) and constitutional revisions, a phenomenon that gains a reinvigorated significance in the modern world. The analysis differentiate the constitutions octroyées (imposed constitutions) and constitutional engineering. The empirical focus is on the peculiar Macedonian case study. The main hypothesis is that the recent constitutional history (1991–2021) involves both phenomena with a disastrous outcome of an unfinished state: what started as constitutional engineering has ended up with imposed constitutional changes, thus gradually diminishing and cancelling popular sovereignty. The process is ongoing, and the perspectives of the state are grim and paradoxical: more constitutional changes, fewer statehood elements. - Some of the metrics are blocked by yourconsent settings
Item type:Publication, Special Issue: Crisis in the Eastern Mediterranean and COVID-19(Informa UK Limited, 2020) - Some of the metrics are blocked by yourconsent settings
Item type:Publication, Тековни перспективи врз состојбите во Македонија: напори за мир, демократија и безбедност(Skopje: Foundation Open Society Institute, 2003) - Some of the metrics are blocked by yourconsent settings
Item type:Publication, Macedonia: Troublesome Relations Among Politics, Ethnicity, and the Military(Oxford University Press, 2020)At first sight, relations between politics and the military in Macedonia, one of the ex-Yugoslav republics that gained independence in 1991, seem to resemble the typical evolution of civil–military relations in other countries in transition. Yet, history in Macedonia is far from straightforward and simple. First, the country’s appearance on the world scene was unique: it was practically a demilitarized state with no army! Apart from that, amid the Yugoslav imbroglio it was known as an “oasis of peace.” Only 10 years later, in 2001, Macedonia found itself on the verge of an ethnic conflict, with a powerless (Macedonian-dominated) military that confronted apparently well-organized Albanian paramilitary forces. In March 2020, Macedonia became NATO’s 30th member state. Yet, the dilemma that affects civil–military relations at both the political-military and societal-military levels has not gone away. Theoretically and practically, any meaningful analysis requires detection of the troublesome aspects of each side of the triangle: state/politics/military/society/ethnicity. Though the society–state dimension is far from inconsiderable, on methodological grounds the analysis that follows is restricted to the other two dimensions.</p> <p>NATO membership for a transitional country usually presupposes a successful democratic transition, internal stability, and societal consensus over key national values and interests. Macedonia’s case belies that assumption. The Macedonian military has been practically invisible in internal politics, while it has been widely cited as a key asset for bringing the country closer to NATO by direct involvement in military interventions launched by the United States or NATO, starting with Afghanistan and Iraq and extending to the plans for involvement in Mali’s affairs. Behind the façade, there is silent internal strife within the ranks along political and ethnic lines (i.e., the same lines that sharply divide the state and society, challenging the country’s internal cohesion and democratic prospects). In addition, the military has to make do with scant essential resources, while the military officers’ self-respect is severely diminished by the low societal rewards for their profession. Macedonia’s democratic transition is far from complete, since the country is going through a deep internal crisis related to its societal/security dilemma, and the military is just one of the institutions that suffer because of ethnic competition and unprincipled power-sharing bargaining. - Some of the metrics are blocked by yourconsent settings
Item type:Publication, The Human Security Doctrine for Europe: A View from Below(Routledge, 2007)This article offers a critical perspective on the Human Security Doctrine for Europe both from a global and regional (Balkan) perspective. Having securitized the human security concept, the doctrine tries to legitimize a certain global political agenda that is based on the understanding of human security as a justification for an emerging system of global governance. Instead of promotion of the EU as a peace project, the doctrine may serve as one more instance of the ongoing militarization of the Union. One can argue that its value to recipient countries would be small, while it serves to boost the EU’s ambitions to become a serious actor in a world dominated by biopolitical rationale. The article argues that, instead of being a form of foreign and security policy of global actors, human security should rather be promoted as a form of internal policy focused on human rights, especially in the socioeconomic sphere in post- or pre-conflict societies. - Some of the metrics are blocked by yourconsent settings
Item type:Publication, Kosovo: Macedonia’s Perspectives(De Gruyter Oldenbourg, 2008)The Republic of Macedonia has maintained a policy with regard to the new Kosovar state that is heavily influenced by the actors on the international scene, and first of all the United States. Macedonia has moved from a de facto recognition via the establishment of a state border to formal recognition, which coincided with its rejection of the Serbian bid at the UN Security Council to support its appeal of the International Court of Justice. The author sees Macedonia’s situation severely weakened, as it risks positioning itself between two adversaries, Serbia and Greece, with possible negative consequences regarding the name issue and its economic and infrastructural ties. Beyond this, the author points to the potentiality that Kosovo’s independence might trigger a destabilizing domino effect within other multiethnic settings in the region. The conflict in the Caucasus, the EU’s internal crisis, and the financial crisis add further momentum to these destabilizing potentialities. - Some of the metrics are blocked by yourconsent settings
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