Iustinianus Primus Faculty of Law
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Item type:Publication, Crimes against women in armed conflicts: Judicial activism and feminist legal interpretation as key factors in reconstruction of concepts of international humanitarian law(Oxford University Press, 2022-03)Karolina Ristova -Aasterud - Some of the metrics are blocked by yourconsent settings
Item type:Publication, Crimes against women in armed conflicts: Judicial activism and feminist legal interpretation as key factors in the reconstruction of concepts of international humanitarian law(Oxford University Press, 2022-03-03)Ristova-Aasterud, Karolina<p>This chapter examines the novelties in international humanitarian law of the 1990s regarding crimes against women in armed conflicts and argues that they can be explained by two key factors. The first factor is the judicial activism of the ad hoc criminal tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda, rather uncommon for the criminal law area. The second factor is the very organized background work of the feminist ‘interpretative community’ against the gender bias in international law. The main conclusion is that although some challenges remain to be addressed, feminist legal discourse has finally started to win the semantic and conceptual ‘war’ against the most serious wording and ontological gaps in international humanitarian law that have existed since the aftermath of World War II, with the creation of the Nuremberg and Tokyo tribunals, and the subsequent Geneva Regime of 1949.</p> - Some of the metrics are blocked by yourconsent settings
Item type:Publication, Crimes against women in armed conflicts: Judicial activism and feminist legal interpretation as key factors in the reconstruction of concepts of international humanitarian law(Oxford University Press, 2022-03-03)Ristova -Aasterud, KarolinaThis chapter examines the novelties in international humanitarian law of the 1990s regarding crimes against women in armed conflicts and argues that they can be explained by two key factors. The first factor is the judicial activism of the ad hoc criminal tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda, rather uncommon for the criminal law area. The second factor is the very organized background work of the feminist ‘interpretative community’ against the gender bias in international law. The main conclusion is that although some challenges remain to be addressed, feminist legal discourse has finally started to win the semantic and conceptual ‘war’ against the most serious wording and ontological gaps in international humanitarian law that have existed since the aftermath of World War II, with the creation of the Nuremberg and Tokyo tribunals, and the subsequent Geneva Regime of 1949. - Some of the metrics are blocked by yourconsent settings
Item type:Publication, The Implementation of the Aarhus Convention in the Republic of North Macedonia: Limited Tools and Capacity for Environmental Justice(Hart Publishing, 2025) - Some of the metrics are blocked by yourconsent settings
Item type:Publication, Uniformity and Differentiation in the Fundamentals of EU Membership: The Rule of Law Acquis in the Pre- and Post-accession Contexts(EU IDEA, IAI, 2020-05-31); Hillion, Christophe - Some of the metrics are blocked by yourconsent settings
Item type:Publication, Is the EU’s Accession Conditionality Paving the Way for a More Integrated Rule of Law Policy in the EU?(EU IDEA, IAI, 2020-03-18) - Some of the metrics are blocked by yourconsent settings
Item type:Publication, Missing the Carrots? North Macedonia’s thorny Path to EU Accession Negotiations(Center for European Integration Studies (ZEI), University of Bonn, 2020-09)Preshova, D - Some of the metrics are blocked by yourconsent settings
Item type:Publication, Perspectives from Southeast European and EU Candidate Countries(HART PUBLISHING Bloomsbury Publishing Plc, 2023-06)Rumenov, Ilija - Some of the metrics are blocked by yourconsent settings
Item type:Publication, CONTEMPORARY MACEDONIAN DEFENCE : ENCOUNTERING THE MACEDONIAN DEMOCRATIC DISCONTINUITY: POLITICAL SUBJECTIVITY IN TIMES OF CRISIS(Министерство за одбрана на Република Северна Македонија, 2020)Chupeska, AnaThis article reflects on recent Macedonian political history (2014-2017). During this period of time Macedonia was experiencing its hardest political, institutional and legal crisis since its independence. Moreover, twice it was even dithering on the edge of a security crisis. In other words, the degenerative Macedonian democratic discontinuity, for which the country got the attribute as a captured state, at one point, was revealed in a form of severe systemic distortion. On the other hand, the prolonged crisis [3 years] had its functional component as well, as it left enough room for provoking, mobilizing and articulating a genuine supra-religious, suprapartisan, supra-ethnic civil resistance movement against the democratic discontinuity. That is in essence related to the massive student protests [Students Plenum] which will be conjoined with other resisting groups building together a common political subjectivity via The Colorful Revolution. As a new element in the Macedonian political culture, the contestatory engagements, have not only helped in overthrowing the government, but have led to serious interventions in the Macedonian political system, as the Przino Agremment, stipulates the institutional novelties: The Special Prosecutor’s Office and The Pre-Electoral Technical Government. - Some of the metrics are blocked by yourconsent settings
Item type:Publication, Sovereignty under Threat? Responsibility to Protect and the Understanding of Sovereignty(Journal of Law and Politics, vol.2 is.1, 2021-02)Stojkovski, LjupchoThe situation in Myanmar in 2019, which resulted in the mass displacement and fleeing by the Rohingya population and which, according to UN High Commissioner for Human Rights and UN Secretary General are “textbook examples of ethnic cleansing”, reignited the issue of mass atrocities and the international community’s role in dealing with these problems. The events in Myanmar are some of the latest of a series of other similar mass sufferings that have been occurring in many other places in the world, such as Burundi, South Sudan, DR Congo, Yemen, and of course Syria and Libya. It is more than obvious that this is a reoccurring problem and that is why there has to be a thorough scrutiny of the possible reasons for its persistence. This paper deals with some of these issues. It proceeds in five parts. Firstly, I give a brief introduction about the path that led to the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) and the official acceptance of R2P in 2005. Next, I underline some of the reoccurring critiques of R2P, following which, I address three of them: that R2P is a Western concept, that R2P is basically the same as humanitarian intervention and that (therefore) R2P is a threat to sovereignty. I conclude that R2P has diverse origins; that R2P is broader than humanitarian intervention; and that R2P is not a threat to sovereignty.