Iustinianus Primus Faculty of Law

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MONITORING MINORITY RIGHTS TWENTY-FIVE YEARS OF IMPLEMENTATION OF THE FRAMEWORK CONVENTION FOR THE PROTECTION OF NATIONAL MINORITIES
(Institute of Social Sciences, Belgrade Academic Network for Cooperation in South East Europe, Belgrade Institute for Ethnic Studies, Ljubljana Belgrade, Ljubljana 2023, 2023)
Chupeska, Ana
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WOMEN’S STUDYTHE REPUBLIC OF NORTH MACEDONIA 2020/2021
(Фондација Фридрих Еберт , Скопје (FES), 2021)
Chupeska, Ana
;
Marija Topuzovska Latkovikj
;
Mirjana Borota Popovska
;
Nita Starova
;
Dragan Gjorgjev
Gender equality is, undoubtedly, an essential factor in the development of a society. It improves productivity and economic growth, enhances the well-being of all societal groups and thus improves the development of a society and future generations, as well as the efficiency of institutions. In short, the more equal the conditions for the different genders are, the better the country is off. For these reasons, in 2020 the Friedrich Ebert Foundation in North Macedonia decided to develop and conduct a women’s study, in order to measure, describe and explain the status of the female population vis-a-vis society, family, values, education, employment, politics, security and healthcare. The study was developed based on our experiences of conducting comprehensive youth studies which in 2014 and 2019, that were well-received in the country and across the region and served as the basis for drafting and developing policies and projects in the past years. The data obtained in the research cannot not be presented in its entirety in this publication but will be available upon demand. However, this study, provides a comprehensive overview and analysis of the most relevant data. The women’s study is an interdisciplinary study with the primary objective to lay the foundations of further interpretation and analysis. We also sincerely hope that in the coming years, data obtained from the research will be used for policy development and different purposes benefiting the enhancement of gender equality in Macedonian society, as well as for scientific use and drafting projects. According to existing research, women in the Republic of North Macedonia (at the cognitive level) do aspire towards gender equality. It is notable that all of them perceive the Macedonian society as patriarchal, where tradition is an important and commonly accepted value, but every woman (regardless of her demographic background) is trying in her own ways to fight for her rights and equality in her (newly established) family and the surrounding. Unfortunately, our results once again confirm that women largely accept the patriarchal gender division of roles in Macedonian society. They predominantly chose to spend most of their free time with the family, perform most of the household chores and consider such division fair and just. The financial status of women is linked to their position in the home, and a woman´s equality is linked to her husband/partner. The research revealed that the unfavourable position, compared to men, as well as the gender-based discrimination on the labour market are not recognized by women. Most women earn less than their partners and the men in the same positions. Often the professional competence of women is measured lower merely because of their gender, not their performance. As a result, women are often less supported by managers unlike their male colleagues discharging the same duties, which manifests and perpetuates the “glass ceiling” phenomenon, discouraging women to assert themselves. Although women largely exercise their right to vote, their political participation is at a low level and they are generally disinterested, not informed and not familiar with politics and “women’s issues and equality”. The study targets a series of challenges that all stakeholders need to confront, in order to improve the individual and societal well-being: policymakers, decision makers, as well as all citizens, men and women, in our society. Lastly, our gratitude goes to the research team that, even under the conditions of a pandemic, carried out the research professionally, diligently and in great detail. The team successfully faced the challenge of conducting a field research of a nationally representative sample of 1066 respondents during the pandemic, with a large questionnaire, which required time, much focus and perseverance from the respondents. Friedrich Ebert Foundation will promote the results of this study also in further activities and looks to conduct similar studies across the region of Southeast Europe. This pilot project from FES Skopje provides crucial best practices.
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CONTEMPORARY MACEDONIAN DEFENCE : ENCOUNTERING THE MACEDONIAN DEMOCRATIC DISCONTINUITY: POLITICAL SUBJECTIVITY IN TIMES OF CRISIS
(Министерство за одбрана на Република Северна Македонија, 2020)
Chupeska, Ana
This article reflects on recent Macedonian political history (2014-2017). During this period of time Macedonia was experiencing its hardest political, institutional and legal crisis since its independence. Moreover, twice it was even dithering on the edge of a security crisis. In other words, the degenerative Macedonian democratic discontinuity, for which the country got the attribute as a captured state, at one point, was revealed in a form of severe systemic distortion. On the other hand, the prolonged crisis [3 years] had its functional component as well, as it left enough room for provoking, mobilizing and articulating a genuine supra-religious, suprapartisan, supra-ethnic civil resistance movement against the democratic discontinuity. That is in essence related to the massive student protests [Students Plenum] which will be conjoined with other resisting groups building together a common political subjectivity via The Colorful Revolution. As a new element in the Macedonian political culture, the contestatory engagements, have not only helped in overthrowing the government, but have led to serious interventions in the Macedonian political system, as the Przino Agremment, stipulates the institutional novelties: The Special Prosecutor’s Office and The Pre-Electoral Technical Government.
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DEMOCRATIC RESILIENCE AND ITS RELATED CHALLENGES
(Министерство за одбрана на Република Северна Македонија, 2023)
Chupeska, Ana
;
Dizadrevikj, Anja
Democratic resilience has recently attracted considerable attention in contemporary political thought, as well as practice. It is due to the (in)capacity of the democratic political systems to resist and withstand attacks on its institutions and values. By elaborating recent challenges to democratic resilience and by understanding the origins of the attacks and threats against democracies, policymakers can properly and timely protect democratic institutions, values, and practices. This work, in that sense, focuses the attention to such external (but also inherent) influences that pose threats to the democratic system and the manner in which they are interwoven. We particularly treat disinformation, populism, polarization, illiberalism and economic inequality as such considerable threats.
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PROGRESIVE YEARBOOK 2023 FEPS
(FEPS -Foundation for European Progressive Studies Avenue des Arts, 46 – 1000 Brussels, Belgium, 2023)
Chupeska, Ana
The Chapter deals with the issue of Western Balkan, in terms of associative predictions, as well as recent security challenges ( This in reference to the actual war against Ukraine).
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CONFLICTING REMEMBRANCE: The Memory of the Macedonian 2001 in Context
(Фондација Фридрих Еберт , Скопје (FES), 2023)
Chupeska, Ana
The Republic of North Macedonia’s post-2001 model of dealing with cultural diversity places the state among the more liberal ones and not among the states which tend to homogenize their culturally diverse population. In other words, North Macedonia’s institutions acknowledge the fact of societal multiculturality and it is reified and materialized in a concrete political system. In this text, I discuss the normative multiculturalism of a non-territorial kind in North Macedonia as based upon three pillars: group-specific rights and guaranteed representation; power-sharing and consociation; as well as concrete interventions in the symbolic order. All the three pillars in fact answer the question of why the normative solution proposed after the conflict functions in terms of the substantive democratic inclusiveness of minor communities within the political system, which indeed manifests via the norm that stimulates the need of everyday dialogue among the communities. Secondly, the pillars allow also for foundational power-sharing institutions without exhibiting any kind of territorial division, and with that the unity of the state is guaranteed (contrary to many examples of ethno-federalist power sharing arrangements). Thirdly, they allow a cultural autonomy for different cultural groups defined by the use of the unique mechanism of the reductive veto

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